Martha Gladys Chávez Cossío de Ocampo (born January 12, 1953) is a Peru Congresswoman who represents the far fascist right. First elected to Congress in 1992, she supported the murders and assassinations of Alberto Fujimori. She is a vocal opponent of President Ollanta Humala, and used his inauguration, which was attended by most of the heads of state of South America and Prince Felipe of Spain, to rant against him in her adulation of Fujimori.
A woman without principles and, at best, mediocre intelligence, Chávez Cossio blared against President Ollanta Humala’s statement as he took oath that he would be loyal to the principals and values of the Constitution of 1979, rather than the current Constitution that was enacted, illegally, in 1993 (it was authored in 1992 by Martha Chavez who personally introduced the clauses of the Peruvian Constitution that allowed Fujimori to run for a second term and suggested that she might attempt to abolish all term limits on the presidency, noting her desire for a lifetime dictatorship of the rich over the poor (Conaghan, Catherine M. (2005). Fujimori’s Peru: Deception in the Public Sphere. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, p. 57) that restricts the role of government in areas that are not being filled or served by the private sector to the delight of her private USA backers including the Koch Brothers of the USA who own Georgia Paper that openly pollutes streams and waterways as with Coffee Creek in Arkansas, who want to strip mind Peru, tear down the forests, and pollute the dwindling water supply that is available to the people, during the administration of ex-President Alberto Fujimori before the former dictator who was tried and convicted for numerous violations against human rights and civil liberties suspended the Constitution.
A longtime supporter of dictators and of the former agricultural professor Alberto Fujimori and his children, during the 2000 elections in Peru, Chávez suggested that Fujimori would dissolve Congress if Peru 2000 did not win a majority of seats. She also said that she could not rule out a fourth election of
Fujimori, despite the fact that the Constitution of Peru which was written in part by Chávez herself allows presidents to be elected no more than twice in a row, and Chávez had earlier promised that Fujimori would not run in the 2000 elections. After Fujimori fled to Japan in disgrace, after carrying millions of dollars in gold to Japan, Chávez decided to run for the presidency to keep it occupied by Fujimoristas and selected as her running-mate Santiago Fujimori who went on trial over corruption charges, Alberto Fujimori’s brother who has long been associated with assassin groups. In 2001, Chávez was suspended from active duty in Congress for corruption, her second suspension was in 2002, but she was acquitted in 2005, and suspended a third time in 2011.
An elitist without scruples, Martha’s goal is to further enrich the top 1% (who made their fortunes on land speculation and selling out to foreign investors such as Sika, Merck, and other international firms). Chávez would let the people of Peru starve, remain ill-educated, and police, judicial end educational system (among the worse in the world) that has more than one million “beneficiaries” and thousands of employees, not counting the more than 300,000 teachers who are totally unqualified for their positions corruption
continue (in 2005 Minister of Education Alberto Chang tested the teachers of Peru for basic competency, and out of the 300,000 teachers, only 151 passed; more than 50% of all mathematics teachers in Peru could not pass a simple math test; science and education were equally bad—but all were allowed to continue teaching, even though by 2007, Peru was ranked last in the world of education—Peru’s educational system and academic competency was worse than any other nation on the planet in all areas including mathematics and science as well as the liberal arts: ; by July 2011, Peru’s universities ranked basically from 5000 to nearly 10000 in the world, with only Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú (a private university now under attack by Juan Luis Cipriani, archbishop of Lima, who wants to do away with academic freedom) ranking 841 and Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (now a public university in Lima where scholarship is prized) ranking 876, with Universidad Peruana Cayetano Heredia inching into 1532 and the rest plunging to new depths; the second highest ranked public university is Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cusco ranked 4593 in the world). As La Republica noted, 24 April 2011, concerning Martha Chávez: Y es que el fujimorismo es un sistema autoritario. No les gusta la oposición, no les gusta la democracia, salvo que esta se adapte a sus fines; tampoco el diálogo, que es para ellos una pérdida de tiempo. Fue el estilo que utilizó Alberto Fujimori tan pronto se instaló en el poder. Máximo San Román y Carlos García, sus primeros vicepresidentes, han recordado en más de una oportunidad la deslealtad del hombre que llevaron a Palacio. Los peruanos estamos advertidos: el “futuro” del fujimorismo es el retorno al pasado y la época más oscura de nuestro país.
Education in Peru has historically be minimal; only children of dictators, like those of Alberto Fujimori who had his chief spy Montesinos raided national treasury to send his children to colleges and universities in the USA, have obtained a good education. The amount stolen by Fujimori to educate his children exceeds even the wildest dreams of the average Peruano and highlights political corruption in Peru.
Martha Chávez and other Fujimoristas said nothing, as the Fujimori party since its creation has lived as if Peru was its private purse (where the average laborer earns $200 a week), and corruption in Peru’s Congress, especially as seen in the cases of Martha Chávez and Keiko Fujimori, has become legendary with each new generation of Fujimoristas believing that they and their children are entitled to a better (read USA, or in the case of Martha Chávez who went to the Pontifical University in Lima–a school now under assault by Cipriani who finds it too liberal) education than the rest of the nation.
The era of corruption under Fujimori continued under his successors and rose dramatically during the second term of Alan Gabriel Garcia Perez (who fled first to Columbia then to Peru in disgrace in self-imposed exile in France in the 1980s after inflation passed 7000% and six months behind in debt payment, and returned to Peru only to run for a second, and more abortive, term in 2006, during which time he had numerous problems with the people of the Amazon that led to the ignition of a short civil war, did nothing to improve the quality of education, and was intent on rectifying his past record as president), and was to reach further into the pockets of the poor if Keiko Fujimori (who openly bought votes by carrying rice to the poor, playing on her Japanese heritage, etc.) was elected president
pogrom against students and teachers that opposed his fascist move to silence dissent as with the massacre of the students at La Cantuta University and the invasion under the goons of Valdimir Lenin Montesinos Torres (born at Arequipa, 20 May 1945), the head of Peru’s notorious Servicio de Inteligencia Nacional
(SIN), who murdered fifteen including an eight-year-old boy and his family in Los Barrios Altos who were preparing a barbecue on 3 November 1991 (the invasion of the home was based on a lie: Arteaga informó que en dicho lugar se reunían los altos dirigentes de Sendero Luminoso. Por esta información falsa, fue premiado y originó la intervención del grupo Colina en dicho lugar, el 3 de noviembre de 1991, cuyo resultado fue 15 personas ejecutadas extrajudicialmente, entre ellos un niño de 8 años; y otras 4 gravemente heridas. Arteaga fue liberado tras cumplir 72 meses en prisión y sin obtener sentencia alguna por este caso; video and commentary is at http://spaciolibre.net/?p=732), was caught on film bribing corrupt Peru congressional representatives, etc—all now released by the USA National Security archives, including a video of Montesinos bribing a Peru congressman’s support for $15,000.
When the people of Los Barrios demanded an investigation into the role of the military and Montesio’s political police and armed thugs, Martha introduced a law that prohibited the judicial powers from calling low-level military officials to testify in court cases. This gave Fujimori even greater power and the political assassinations escalated with the official blessings of his daughter Keiko, son Kenji, and Martha Chavez.
Martha Chávez argued that the Aybar Cancho brothers were running drugs and armaments to the Shining Path revolutionaries. National Security documents of the Government of the USA show the opposite—in fact that the charges the Aybar Cancho brothers, Jose Luis and Luis Frank, were on trial for resulted in a collective leverage to enhance Fujimori, and that one of the chief conspirators was Martha Chávez. Fearful of the outcome, the attorney who was defending the Aybar Canchos (and others charged with drug trafficking and shipping guns to members of the Shining Path), Francisco Nuñez Peña, age 61, was getting into his car at his house in Lima on
Friday night when gunmen wearing bullet-proof vests and black masks, arrived in an automobile and a racing motorcycle fired seven shots at him (the official report claims that one on the motorcycle appeared, pulled out a pistol and fired several times from close range). The police later said that they were professionals. The newspaper Peru 21 speculated that “The attorney may have been killed because he was unable to win a reduction of sentence for a drug trafficker he defended.” Only later was it known that not only was Jordan and Columbia supplying weapons to insurgents, but so was Russia and Japan, and as wikileaks revealed, there were numerous “shoddy people” who were involved with various clandestine affairs with Alberto Fujimori and his supporters, including
“Muneo Suzuki (a former federal deputy jailed for bribery); Satomi Kataoka (Fujimori’s alleged paramour, accused in 2003 of tax evasion); Takeshi Igarashi (arrested for trade union racketeering); Torao Tokuda (a federal deputy accused of tax evasion); Shizuka Komei (a federal deputy involved in a vote-buying scandal); Toshio Yabuki (arrested for defrauding 3,000 investors of $100 million, including the sale of commemorative Inca medallions, for which Fujimori was a principal advisor); and Yasuyuki Kitano (imprisoned for fraud)”.
Inca gold disappeared from Cusco and other centers for Peruvian arts (while strip mining by Canadian and other interests increase as do the deaths caused by bad mining conditions) when Keiko Fujimori was involved in what some priests described as “evasive” actions, while at the same time during her father’s dictatorship, China was able to fly undocumented Chinese “people” into the USA. Alberto and Keiko Fujimori ignored this, citing it as a way of helping people of Peru to “reach into the world” (known as La Diaspora Puruana).
When there were initial and a number of growing objec-tions before any formal protests were levied against the corrupt Peruana Martha Chavez and her role in the drug and terrorist war that was ascribed to the Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso in Spanish: it is a Maoist guerrilla terrorist organization seeking land redistribution to the poor, a change from the oligarchy of the rich in power, and an elevation of education for the common people and laborers; today it is a mere shadow of its former group) militants, subsequent complaints officially filed with the courts that the students were kidnapped, Chávez stated that the students must have staged their own kidnapping.
Later, when the bodies of the students executed paramilitary style were recovered from unmarked graves, based on a map that a journalist in Peru was sent, Chávez responded by suggesting that the journalist be jailed because, by uncovering the graves, he had tampered with a crime scene (Conaghan, Catherine M. (2005). Fujimori’s Peru: Deception in the Public Sphere. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, p. 72). When citizens demanded that Chavez be handed over to an international tribunal for crimes against humanity Chávez controversially characterized the judges on the Inter-American Court of Human Rights as leftist terrorist-sympathizers (Schmidt, Gregory D. “All the President’s Women” in The Fujimori Legacy: The Rise of Authoritarian Democracy in Peru, edited by Julio F. Carrión (2006). University Park, PA: Penn State Press). Chavez’ terrorist tactics were, in fact, partially pushed by the Republican Party in the Congress of the USA where there was sympathy for Fujimori and jubilation over the death of “leftists”. The Republican Party’s role in funding Martha Chavez’ terrorism and support of Fujimori has not yet been fully declassified and released.
The transmogrification of the Constitution of Peru of 1993 (the fifth in the twentieth century) enabling a lifetime dictatorship passed after opposition lawmakers walked out of Congress in protest. Chavez smirked that the opposition was spineless and unnecessary as the Fujimoris would rule over everyone. The 1993 Constitution of Peru was a setback for democracy. Not only did it allow a president to run for unlimited terms (in effect allowing a dynasty to control Peru), but reduced the bicameral 240-member congress to a unicameral 120 Congress of the Republic, and allows the president to rule autocratically by decree laws as long as he first informs the Congress of his intent to do so. Article 117 of the 1993 Constitution of Peru states that the President of the Republic can only be impeached for treason–there is no provision for impeaching a president for corruption in any form from bribery to murder.
Alberto Fujimori is currently serving a 25 year prison sentencefor human rights violations and corruption charges stemming from his 1990 to 2000 administration, including a third term that, as the previous cardinal of Peru
declared, was illegal—before the archbishop of Lima was poisoned, as suspected, by the current primate Juan Luis Cipriani and member of several fascist organizations such as the Peru Council of Roman Catholic Bishops and Opus Dei controlled schools throughout Peru—a close friend of the Fujimoris and Chávez. Cipriani is a strong supporter of the odious opportunistic Opus Dei movement that he joined in 1962 and feverishly supports even though the organization has no Biblical foundation and its director, like the archbishop are ignorant of Matthew 7:1 and Acts 10:24. Like the Spanish Inquisition, Opus Dei demands blind obedience and goes further than Machiavelli’s Il Principe—but it has its detractors.
Juan Luis Cipriani has a long history of being against civil and human rights for women, single men who are not priests, and the traditional “bad person”: the homosexual whom the Opus Dei defender and Peru’s primate claims “los homosexuales no estánen los planes de Dios” (“homosexuals are not in God’s plans”. In 1997 Cipriani cackled “”homosexuals are damaged goods and not in the plans of God” (although for years there have circulated rumors that Cipriani is a closeted homosexual) and are not to be granted civil or human rights, the cardinal matching the words of Iran’s ayatollahs.
Opus Dei is far worse and more dangerous than Tomás de Torquemada of the Spanish Inquisition or Adolf Hitler and his NAZIs and more energumenically evil than its cacodemonic creator Josemaría Escrivá de Balaguer whose book The Way is far more dangerous to life and property than Mein Kampf, Cipriani elects to ignore reality, and refuses to acknowledge that more than fifty percent (the published figure is 23% to 58%) of the Roman Catholic clergy are homosexual (it is estimated at least 33% of the priests an 90% of the priests in Miami in the USA are gay) and up to 70% of all bishops in the USA are homosexual: sex scandals involving Roman Catholic bishops including Juan Carlos Maccarone in Argentina in 2005 and Francisco Domingo Barbosa Da Silveira in Uruguay in 2009, and in 2011, a scandal involving Roman Catholic bishop John Favalora in Florida became public and produced an outcry Cipriani never addressed (Saunders, Kate and Stanford, Peter (1992), Catholics and Sex: from Purity to Perdition. London, UK: Heinemann, and Berger, David (2010). Der heilige Schein: Als schwuler Theologe in der katholischen Kirche. Berlin, Germany: Ullstein), with the percentage higher in Latin America. Not surprising, the rate is even higher among Protestant clergy, with at least ten percent having nonconsensual sex with pre-teenage boys, and 40% to 60% being forced from their pulpits.
In his attacks on human and civil rights in Peru, Cipriani has the support of Martha Chávez and the Fujimoristas. Like Chávez, Cipriani styles those who oppose him to be terrorists, and uses aspersions and falsified charges against other bishops whom he considers “immoral”–a code word used in many assassinations by religious extremists. It must never be forgotten that Cipriani was the first Opus Dei cardinal who sees himself as a victim and a future martyr. He found strength and succor in Peru in the Fujimoris, Fujimoristas, and Martha Chavez.
When Chávez returned to Peru’s unicameral Congress, she was given flowers by her followers and hailed as a saviour. The promise of returning Peru to a totalitarian dictatorship hung pregnant over the Congress, as Chávez openly endorses and supports violence against Peruanos, as was noted by local papers after a band of Fujimori sympathizers held a guard at gunpoint and heavily damaged the “Ojo Que Llora” (“Crying Eye”), in the Campo de Marte de Jesús María, a memorial to the victims of Peru’s Internal War waged by the Grupo Colina (a paramilitary anti-communistic death squad created by Fujimori and Montesinos in Peru that was active from 1990-1994, and was responsible for the deaths and human rights abuses of Barrios Altos massacre including that of an eight year-old child) (the only survivor of Barrios Altos, Tomás Livia Ortega who was permanently paralyzed, testified against Fujimori at his trial, La Cantuta massacre: the National University “Enrique Guzmán y Valle” (La Cantuta), and the Santa massacreof nine campesinos carried out by Grupo Colina in the Santa Province of the Ancash Region of Peru. The massacre occurred on May 2, 1992. Carlos Alberto Barrientos Velásquez, Roberto Barrientos Velásquez, Denis Atilio Castillo Chávez, Federico Coquis Velásquez, Gilmer Ramiro León Velásquez, Pedro Pablo López Gonzáles, Jesús Manfredo Noriega Ríos, Carlos Martín Tarazona More, and Jorge Luis Tarazona More all died in the massacre, none were terrorists, but
Martha Chavez claimed that they were and endorsed Montesino’s purge of “the evil” that included erasing the names of victims of government death squads that operated under Fujimori such as Grupo Colina.
Chávez chortled that she applauded the attack, showed open contempt for the child killed at Los Barrios, and called the memorial “a garbage monument”. The “garbage monument” was made more so by the Fujimoristas who saw it as a reminder in Lima to the 70,000 people killed in Peru’s war with Shining Path, as was defaced with orange paint (the color of Fujimori’s party) by a group of vandals. The crass cavalier chortling of Chávez can be found in her own words:
Cano sostuvo también que otra prueba de que Chávez no ha cambiado es que dice que jamás iría al “El ojo que llora”.
“No iría jamás a un sitio donde se juntan víctimas con victimarios. Es más, si tuviera un pariente ahí sacaría el nombre de mi pariente; es una afrenta”, sostuvo cuando le preguntaron si iría al memorial “El ojo que llora” del Campo de Marte de Jesús María, un espacio de reconciliación de los deudos de ambos bandos de la violencia interna de las décadas pasadas.
Chávez indicó, además, que “ya no es necesario” repetir un escenario como el del autogolpe del 5 de abril de 1992. “Nos retroceden al pasado con lo negativo y no con lo positivo. Nuestro presente y futuro tiene que ver con nuestro pasado. La propuesta de Keiko parte del pasado, donde hemos tenido más aciertos que desaciertos”…
[Translation: Cano also argued that another proof that Chavez has not changed is that she says would never go to "The eye that cries". "I will not ever go to a place where victims meet with perpetrators. Moreover, if I had a relative there I would take away the name of my relative, as it is an insult”, she responded when asked if she would go to the memorial at “The eye that cries” in the military cemetery in the suburb Jesus Maria, a space for reconciliation of the relatives of both sides of the internal violence of the past decades.
Chávez also indicated that "there is no need" to repeat a scenario such as the coup of April 5, 1992. "We move back in time with the negative and not [forward with the] positive. Our present and future has to do with our past. Keiko’s proposal for the past, where we had more hits than misses]
Her hatred for the memorial was so strong that Martha Chavez, one of Fujimori’s staunchest supporters and allies, who declared that “With pleasure, I would have destroyed the memorial myself.” (See video at http://skylightpictures.com/news/P40/). Chavez is an outspoken enemy of democracy and the people of Peru. With Chávez’ maneuvering, Peru has no future. With the Fujimoristas in Peru’s Congress, Peru will easily become the twin of the Third Reich. No one is safe. With the support of Juan Luis Cripiani, Peru will disappear into a South American Reich of the Rich with death waiting for anyone who disagrees with it.
Chávez’ interest and support of a military dictatorship was starkly unveiled when Nicolás Hermoza Ríos, Commander General of the Armed Forces, put tanks on the streets and declared that he would not tolerate the Congress insulting the armed forces. Congress largely backed down. Today there are few military (Ejército del Perú), where its senior officials are involved in drug trafficking with General Paul da Silva coordinating illegal drug shipments and Peru’s army commander-in-chief, Edwin Donayre black marketing 80,000 gallons of gasoline that benefited drug dealers and traffickers who channeled the purloined gasoline through a gas station owned by Fredy Marcelo Hurtado (a reminder of when Former Joint Chief of Staff Pablo Carbone and 12 other officers were being investigated by Judge Jimena Cayo for their alleged involvement in the illegal channeling of $32.4 million U.S. dollars to SIN, which had been commanded by Fujimori’s former presidential adviser Vladimiro Montesinos and links Fujimori to and with the very terrorists he claimed to be fighting–yet was aided by a corrupt diplomatic corps), or police in Peru who are honest and can be trusted. Humala removed 30 of the 45 police generalsbecause of their rampant corruption. This corruption is not only in Lima, but throughout the nation: from Chiclayo in Lambayeque Province, to Areoquipa and Ica. It is common knowledge that both extort money, kill with impunity, and are waiting for Chávez and other supporters to
call for an armed uprising against the people of Peru. The corruption that is rampant in the churches in Peru will not stop as long as the state is handcuffed by religious leaders such as Cipriani, the evangelist Lay (now a member of Congress), and Pastor Rodrigo Mora Rodríguez and Pentecostal televangelist Radolfo Gonzales Ruiz who has been denounced by several family members for running a scam to acquire property, build schools (that are not used) to indoctrinate but not educate, and radio centers and headquarters (the one in Chiclayo, Peru towers over Plaza Real and is in receivership with the court system).